Proving
the Existence of a Scriptorium: The Case of the Early South Italian Liturgical
Rolls (Saec. X ex.) and the (Hitherto Unidentified) Scriptorium at Benevento from
which They Came.
Fancis
NEWTON
Duke University, USA
francis.l.newton@gmail.com
Scholarship
today on the South Italian Exultet and other Rolls in Beneventan script has not
recognized a paradox in an important area of the field: on the one hand, it is
believed that the tenth-century Bishop (later Archbishop) Landulf I of Benevento
played a large role in the development of liturgical rolls (surviving examples
from Benevento in the Casanatense (Rome) and Vatican Libraries), while, on the
other hand, it is doubted that the cathedral of Benevento under his rule had a
scriptorium of its own. ( Certainly, as to the latter point, evidence has not
before been brought forward to show the existence of a scriptorium in that period.)
The liturgical requirements of this great liturgical innovator (cf. CIPL Topic
2a) render this interpretation (of no scriptorium of his own) hard to accept.
The group of MSS labeled, in the standard study (La cathédrale de
Bénévent, 1999), as "Manuscrits d'origine et/ou de provenance
'Bénévent' non assurée," has never been carefully examined.
A close palaeographical study demonstrates that six of the MSS on that list --and
still preserved in the Biblioteca Capitolare of the city-- dating from the late
10th century or 10th/11th (nos. 6, 10, 11, 13, 14, 15 --chiefly liturgical homiliaries)
were written (the text) by a single scribe. His style is unlike that of any other
Beneventan script center identified down to this time. This fact strongly suggests
that in fact the Benevento origin as well as provenance of this group is, in fact,
quite "assured." To this group may be added a number of others (such
as Benevento 8 and 18) in a very similar style. In this fashion one can build
up a picture of the existence of a scriptorium (CIPL Topic 3a) at Benevento in
the second half of the 10th century and at the threshold of the 11th.
But
this is not the whole story. Certain ones of the six manuscripts (e.g. Benevento
13) have incipits and explicits in a type of fine, slender Beneventan script --these
incipits and explicits also have never been studied-- that is the same as the
script type of the liturgical rolls of Archbishop Landulf I. The presence of this
script-type seems to tie liturgical rolls and liturgical homiliaries together
as representing a single scriptorium And where more reasonable to localize this
scriptorium than in the Duomo over which Landulf presided? It seems that palaeographical
study of these manuscripts can fill a gap in our knowledge of the history of the
development of liturgical rolls and in the history of the cathedral at Benevento.
The
Production of Liturgical Books for the Twelfth-Century Parish Church - Where and
How?
Dr
Erik NIBLAEUS
University of Erlangen
erik.niblaeus@telia.com
There is
widespread scholarly agreement that the local church in the Latin West underwent
a period of radical change in organisation, liturgy, and pastoral practice over
the course of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Not least of these changes was
the formation of what we today recognise as parishes as the basic unit of territorial
and personal organisation. The liturgical aspect of parish-formation has received
relatively little attention. In part, this is because liturgical manuscripts from
eleventh- and twelfth-century local/parish churches are scarce and difficult to
identify; in part, surely, because they are often scribally and artistically low-grade
- grotty, rapidly written, and with little or no decoration. In this paper, I
nonetheless propose to begin looking at what material there is, and - where the
evidence proves too elusive - to speculate on where the scribes who produced it
were active. Questions which need to be asked, and (if possible) answered, include
the following: how can the service books of parish churches be identified? Are
they palaeographically or codicologically distinctive? In which contexts were
they produced? What was the role of organised religious communities (cathedral
chapters, monasteries, houses of canons regular) in supplying the local secular
church with service books? The paper will be based on a project on parish-formation
which I am undertaking from the autumn of 2012 onwards. I will use examples from
the Kingdom of the Germans, and propose, preliminarily, to focus on the archdiocese
of Salzburg.
Seeing
scriptoria in scraps: Norwegian manuscript fragments and their historical context
Åslaug
OMMUNDSEN
University of Bergen
Aslaug.Ommundsen@cms.uib.no
The knowledge
of medieval scriptoria in western Scandinavia is limited for several reasons.
Most importantly, survival of medieval manuscripts is poor, particularly in the
case of Norway, where no monastic library or major book collection survived the
Reformation and general turmoil of the sixteenth-century. In fact, only 10-15
Latin manuscripts and ca. 50 in the vernacular survive known to have been used
in Norway survive today. The acquisition of large numbers of manuscripts by the
royal administration of Denmark-Norway for binding of accounts, both contributed
to their destruction and resulted in their partial survival. Accounts from ca
1550-1650 left ca. 15 000 single fragments from medieval manuscripts for the two
countries combined, approximately 6000 of these from Norwegian bailiwicks.
What, if anything, can these fragments tell us about scriptoria and book production?
The fragmentary state of the source material means that work cannot simply start
with analysing and comparing manuscripts. First we need to "establish"
the manuscripts, and learn as much as we can about them based on a few scraps
of parchment. A large number of fragments must first be grouped into units of
different degrees of affinity: either coming from the same manuscript; coming
from different manuscripts but featuring same scribe or music scribe, or showing
similar styles of writing or characteristic palaeographical features. The process
involves a considerable amount of frustration, not least when crucial pieces of
a book, which for instance could reveal whether the book was monastic or not,
are missing. With well over 99% of the manuscript material lost, the image of
Norwegian scriptoria may never be more than a rough sketch. However, as Lilli
Gjerløw, Michael Gullick and others have shown in the case of the scribe
of the Old Norwegian Homily book (ca. 1200), it is possible to come a long way:
A few fragments from a missal two antiphoners in that case contributed to contextualising
the oldest vernacular surviving manuscript from Norway, and the identification
of several hands working together indicated the existence of one particular scriptorium
in Bergen.
In this paper I will show other examples of groups of fragments
and related manuscripts which either point to a local scriptorium, or show signs
of belonging to already established scriptoria outside of Norway. The paper in
general will address the two first questions under Interpretation: How can one
prove the existence of a scriptorium, and how can one demonstrate the attribution
of a manuscript to a particular scriptorium? The paper will be presented along
with a power-point-presentation with images of the fragments and/or manuscripts
referred to in the text.
Between
Middle Ages and modern era.
Some remarks on the writing and scriptories in
the reformed Franciscan monasteries in Bohemia in the end of 15th and beginning
of 16th centuries.
Hana
PÁTKOVÁ
Charles University in Prague, Czech Republic
patkovahana@centrum.cz
The paper
will focus on the phenomenon of scriptories in the reformed Franciscan monasteries
in the late medieval Bohemia.
1.It is generally known, that religious life
in the late medieval Bohemia was predominated by utraquist confession. The hussite
wars during the second and third decennium of the 15th century caused the extinction
of many monasteries including the centers of written culture. On the other side,
certain new phenomena appeared. Introduction of reformed Franciscans (de observantia)
into the country during the 2nd half of the 15th century was probably the most
important. The Franciscans founded several new monasteries or renewed older ones
(Prague 1461, Bechyne 1491, Horaždovice 1504, Plzen 1460, Tachov 1460, Kadan
1473, Jindrichuv Hradec 1457, probably Most), even the Bohemian-Moravian province
was created in the year 1469, several decennia before the reformed Franciscans
were approved by pope Leo X. (1517).
2. In the milieu of those monasteries
two important groups of manuscripts are preserved: the manuscripts written in
the monastery of Bechyne and those from the monastery of Kadan. There are also
mentions in the sources informing about writing in other monasteries, like Horaždovice
in the south of the country and Plzen and Tachov in western Bohemia.
3. Some
of the preserved manuscripts were analysed from the point of view of art history
(the manuscripts of Kadan by Marie Studnicková), or, more generally, from
the point of view of codicology or history of libraries (the history of medieval
libraries in western Bohemia by Ivan Hlavácek). From the paleographic point
of view, no research has been prepared yet, even though the manuscripts show remarks
of the different script and writing tradition in the comparison with the development
in late medieval Bohemia.
4. The analysis of the writing and book production
in both monasteries based on the preserved manuscripts will contribute to two
major topics: - a. How was the writing organised, who participated in it, and
for whom the manuscripts were written - b. About coexistence and mutual influence
of traditional script and writing in Bohemia and new elements brought by Franciscans.
Scrivere
nelle cattedrali della Toscana occidentale. Pisa, Lucca e Volterra nei secoli
X-XII
Andrea
PUGLIA
Università di Siena, sede di Arezzo
andrea.puglia@yahoo.it
Il paper
intende prendere presentare i primi risultati dell'analisi della produzione libraria
manoscritta delle città di Lucca, Pisa e Volterra ragionevolmente ascrivibile
all'ambiente della cattedrale e della canonica della cattedrale tra X e XII secolo.
I problemi principali che si presentano allo studioso nello svolgimento di questo
tema sono:
- l'assenza di notizie sull'esistenza e il funzionamento di scuole
cattedrali
- La difficoltà nell'individuare una produzione sistematica
in loco di manoscritti (scriptoria) per Pisa e Volterra, mentre qualche notizia
maggiore si conosce per Lucca.
- L'estrema frammentarietà della conservazione
I dati di partenza della nostra analisi sono:
- La raccolta di frammenti di
manoscritto e manoscritti integrali ragionevolmente attribuibili all'ambiente
cattedrale
- La conoscenza della cultura grafica del clero cattedrale parzialmente
nota attraverso: sottoscrizioni; note di possesso e inventari; documentazione
non notarile
- La possibilità di descrivere alcuni scriptoria attivi
nei secoli in questione di ambito monastico o canonicale (o ambienti scrittori
non comprendenti le cattedrali, ma aventi contatti con esse).
L'obbiettivo
che ci poniamo con la nostra analisi consiste nella risposta alle seguenti domande:
esiste un processo di scrittura sistematico di manoscritti in cattedrale e una
coesa comunità di scrittura? In che misura ciò si verifica nelle
tre diverse città? Cosa è giunto fino a noi?
Per quanto concerne
la proposta del convegno, la parte su cui vogliamo rivolgere la nostra attenzione
è la terza ("interpretazione"), in particolare ciò che
concerne la definizione di scriptorium (punti a, b, c), attraverso la risposta
alle seguenti domande: quali elementi materiali, grafici, funzionali devono presentarsi
contemporaneamente per definire una produzione facente parte di uno scriptorium?
Quale grado di sistematicità ha la produzione degli ambienti episcopali
e canonicali delle tre città in rapporto ad altri scriptoria più
strutturati (come per esempio quelli monastici)? Quali abilità e competenze
venivano utilizzate?
L'inventariazione, descrizione e analisi del materiale
manoscritto contribuisce alla definizione di una geografia scrittoria e produttiva
che per quanto concerne la Toscana occidentale è ancora frammentaria e
concentrata su produzioni più sistematiche di ambito essenzialmente monastico.
Scriptores
de scriptoriis : mentions de " scriptoria " dans les colophons latins,
les mots et les réalités
Lucien
REYNHOUT
Bibliothèque royale de Belgique
lucien.reynhout@kbr.be
Les colophons
seront considérés ici comme l'une des sources décrivant des
faits sur l'existence de " scriptoria " liés à des institutions
religieuses ou laïques. L'absence du mot scriptorium dans les colophons ne
doit pas empêcher de considérer les réalités concrètes
qui se cachent derrière ces petits textes souvent très formalisés.
Il existe toutefois un net contraste entre le Haut Moyen Âge, dont les colophons,
plus rares, décrivent de manière souvent floue la situation de scriptoria
attestés par ailleurs, et la fin du Bas Moyen Âge, caractérisée
par une production plus individualisée de l'écrit, dans le clergé
séculier comme régulier -donc en opposition à l'image d'Epinal
du " scriptorium monastique " organisé- mais dont les colophons
très nombreux sont souvent assez précis sur la réalité
des situations, mentionnant par exemple le lieu géographique ou institutionnel
de la transcription, le statut et des éléments de prosopographie
des acteurs de la production livresque (auteurs, copistes, commanditaires, etc.),
les types de relations ayant existé entre des institutions et des personnes
autour de la production du livre manuscrit, ainsi qu'un vocabulaire technique
qui permet d'entrevoir la nature et la répartition des tâches, etc.
Dans le contexte de cette production individualisée, c'est donc davantage
dans l'existence de réseaux de collaboration et dans la description des
modalités de celle-ci que transparaîtra la notion de " scriptorium
".
Une typologie des informations fournies par les colophons sera établie
et illustrée -à défaut pour le moment de pouvoir établir
des statistiques sur une grande échelle- par l'explication d'exemples particulièrement
significatifs qui seront remis dans le contexte de la production écrite
de leur époque et/ou de leur région.
The
Dominican Scriptorium at St Jacques, and its production of liturgical exemplars
Eleanor
GIRAUD (née RUTHERFORD)
University of Cambridge
ejr57@cam.ac.uk
Following
the reform of the Dominican liturgy, completed by Humbert of Romans in 1256, there
was a concerted effort at the Parisian convent of St Jacques to produce several
'exemplars': comprehensive compendia comprising all the books needed for liturgical
celebration, which would facilitate the dissemination of the revised liturgy.
Three such exemplars survive today: one originally kept at the St Jacques convent
in Paris, a smaller portable exemplar which belonged to the Master General of
the Dominican Order, and a fragmentary exemplar made for the province of Spain.
Although some copying may have been undertaken by Dominican brothers, the
majority of the work was most probably completed by a group of professional scribes
working under the supervision of one of the Dominican brothers. Despite the involvement
of many different copyists within each exemplar, the results are remarkably homogenous,
probably owing to the strict implementation of particular stylistic choices, such
as consistent writing frames. Through a codicological study of the exemplars,
and a palaeographical study of the notation in particular, I shall demonstrate
that the exemplars were made by a cohesive group of professional copyists, all
adhering to certain stylistic guidelines, and working together within the convent
to produce the exemplars for the Dominicans' liturgical needs. As such, I shall
address the issue of personnel and organisation of copying within the Dominican
Scriptorium at St Jacques, Paris in the third quarter of the thirteenth century.
Gab
es im spätmittelalterlichen Pressburg ein Skriptorium?
Juraj
ŠEDIVÝ
Bratislava
juraj.sedivy.ffuk@gmail.com
Prassburg
(slow. Bratislava) - eine Grenzstadt des Königreich Ungarns mit starken wirtschaftlichen
und sozialen (aber auch kulturellen) Beziehungen zum österreichischen Donauraum.
Die erhaltenen Hss., die nach Pressburg lokalisiert wurden, sind nur ca. zwei
Dutzend und stammen vom Anfang des 14. bis zum Anfang des 16. Jhs. Die Entstehung
von einem Teil von Ihnen wurde im einheimischen Zisterzienserinnenkloster gesucht
- neuere Forschungen ergaben jedoch, dass fast alle mit dem dortigen Kollegiatkapitel
(bzw. der Kapitel- und Pfarrkirche) verbunden sind.
Man kann die "Pressburger
Codices" in mehrere Gruppen reihen:
1) die ältesten Einzelstücke
(1. Drittel des 14. Jhs., aus Gran oder Pressburg),
2) die 1. Blütezeit
des Pressburger "Skriptoriums" (1340-er Jahre),
3) Einzelstücke
aus der Zeit Sigismunds von Luxemburg,
4) die 2. Blütezeit des Pressburger
"Skriptoriums" (konservative Gotik - 2. Hälfte des 15. Jhs.),
5) Durchbruch der Renaissance (nur Fragmente erhalten - Anfang des 16. Jhs.).
Der Weg zur Erforschung eines potentiellen Skriptorium:
1) explizite Erwähnung
und Autorenschaft durch einheimische Schreiber (Kanoniker oder Skriptoren): (die
Hss. des 14. Jhs. meistens anonym, ab Ende des 14. Jhs. bereits erste Namen -
die zeigen eindeutig, dass die Hss. von oder für das Kollegiatkapitel sowohl
in der Institution selbst entstanden sind als auch an auswertige Skriptoren /im
15. Jh. sogar Laie/ vergeben wurden).
2) Die Komparation der einzelnen Hss.-Gruppen
miteinander erlaubt keine eindeutigen Rückschlüsse auf die Frage, ob
es ein Skriptorium gegeben hat.
- eindeutige Beziehungen nur in der Liturgie,
- Verwandschaften in der Hs.-Verzierung (z. B. künstlerische Abhängigkeit
der sgt. Pressburger Missalia I. und "A").
3) Analyse der Hss. innerhalb
von "ihren Gruppen": die Schreiberhände zeigen einheitliche Schriftformen
- ist aber bereits mehr das Ergebnis der Uniformisierung der gotischen Schrift
als einer lokalen Schulung.
The
DigiPal Project for Late Anglo-Saxon Script
Peter
A. STOKES
Dept. Digital Humanities, King's College London
peter.stokes@kcl.ac.uk
Numerous
scholars to date have tried to attribute eleventh-century vernacular English minuscule
to scriptoria but this has proven extremely difficult, due not only to a lack
of clearly localisable examples but also to the significant variation in scribal
hands. The resulting attributions have therefore often been overturned to the
detriment also of historical and literary scholarship. The question here, as Albert
Derolez has asked, is how to be 'clear and convincing' in such uncertainty. His
proposed answer led to a surge in so-called 'digital' palaeography, as represented
by Kodikologie und Paläographie im Digitalen Zeitalter, but it is still unclear
how (or if) these computer-generated numbers can be used for attribution or for
the study of scribal practice at particular scriptoria.
The DigiPal project
(http://digipal.eu) represents
an alternative approach, aiming to provide material as evidence for investigation
and argument. The website will give detailed searchable descriptions of the complete
corpus of (approximately) 1200 known surviving examples of vernacular script from
the eleventh century, with high-quality images of about half of these, all freely
available online. The material will be open to detailed searches and visualisation,
and this free availability of description, data and image allows one not only
to explore this complete corpus but also to present evidence more effectively
than before.
The detailed description and capacity for searching raises many
challenges terminology and how to represent details of handwriting precisely and
unambiguously. To this end a new model for handwriting has been developed which
allows one to explore not only features of particular graphs on the page, but
also characteristics of individuals and groups of individuals, for example those
attributed to a given monastic community or scriptorium. It also allows one to
characterise features of style across letters in a script, such as the way that
minims or ascenders are constructed, again with clear implications for the characterisation
of regional practices and house styles.
The presentation will demonstrate
the DigiPal system, with emphasis on its use for research into scribal practice
in late Anglo-Saxon scriptoria. The model will be explained in brief, and the
discussion will keep in view the context of methodological questions about quantitative
and qualitative evaluation of handwriting and how arguments about this might be
presented in a clearer and more convincing way. The demonstration system will
also be available for testing and feedback throughout the Colloque.
A 'live'
version of the DigiPal system will be on the presenter's laptop computer and this
will be used with a normal data projector to present images of manuscript pages,
palaeographical features and other related evidence from the corpus.
Un
couteau dans la main gauche ? Organisation du scriptorium et correction des textes
d'après le feuillet de corrections du ms. Paris, Bibl. nat. de france,
Arsenal, ms. 302
Dominique
STUTZMANN
Institut de Recherche et d'Histoire des Textes, CNRS
dominique.stutzmann@irht.cnrs.fr
Les traces
de collation dans les manuscrits médiévaux sont fréquentes
(grattages, ajouts…), les mentions explicites du processus de correction
(r, correctum…) le sont moins. Tout à fait exceptionnels sont les
documents qui permettent de reconstituer le processus complexe de correction,
qui fait intervenir plusieurs acteurs. Tel est le cas du feuillet préliminaire
du ms. Paris, Bibl. de l'Arsenal, ms. 302 [Fontenay, XIIe s.], contenant les Enarrationes
in psalmos de saint Augustin.
Écrit sur le recto seul, il a anciennement
servi de contregarde et contient une suite de paragraphes numérotés
par des chiffres romains et composés de séquences incohérentes
de mots et lettres.
L'analyse révèle que chaque séquence
est une correction apportée par grattage dans le manuscrit et prouve que
le travail d'emendatio se fait en plusieurs temps. Le scribe n'a pas besoin d'écrire
" avec un couteau dans la main gauche ". Pendant ou après la
copie, le copiste ou un relecteur signale les passages dont le sens semble corrompu,
en traçant en marge la lettre " r " pour " require ".
Ce même lecteur, ou un second, compare alors ces passages avec autre exemplaire
du texte et il dresse la liste des corrections à apporter sur un feuillet
séparé dans l'ordre des corrections : c'est le feuillet qui est
relié en tête du ms. 302. La correction n'est pas portée immédiatement
dans le texte, mais d'abord copiée en marge, avant d'être réécrite
sur le passage fautif après grattage. Ensuite, la correction marginale
elle-même devait être grattée.
La mise en page du feuillet
de correction montre également que le travail se faisait avant la reliure,
mais sur cahiers signés, car le numéro de chaque paragraphe correspond
à celui du cahier où se trouvent les corrections. Parmi les corrections
prévues certaines sont très brèves (une seule lettre) et
l'on peut s'étonner de cette étape intermédiaire, qui consiste
à faire figurer toutes les corrections sur un même feuillet, plutôt
qu'à indiquer directement en marge les corrections nécessaires.
Ces corrections minuscules, l'étude paléographique et la conservation
du feuillet contribuent, enfin, à en faire la preuve de l'existence d'un
atelier organisé en milieu monastique - un scriptorium - et d'un processus
de correction : seul un groupe suffisamment établi et doté d'une
organisation rigoureuse, avec des processus de production définis pour
garantir la qualité du résultat final, peut s'imposer des opérations
multiples avec division et répartition des tâches : certains avaient
seuls le droit de porter directement la main sur le livre manuscrit ; d'autres
étaient responsables du contenu du texte. Cela signifie donc l'existence
d'un scriptorium établi et pérenne. La similitude de la main du
texte et de celle des corrections ainsi que l'agencement par cahier permettent
de conclure sur l'activité de correction et d'y voir une phase intégrée
à la production originelle du manuscrit et à inférer l'existence
d'un groupe organisé pour la correction.
Bedeutung
und Organisation des Scriptoriums im frühmittelalterlichen Kloster St. Gallen
- das Zeugnis der Geschichtsschreibung
Ernst
TREMP
St. Gallen
Ernst.Tremp@kk-stibi.sg.ch
Die St. Galler
Historiographie des Frühmittelalters liefert eine Fülle von Nachrichten
über das Scriptorium und die Buchherstellung im Kloster. Als Hauptquellen
für unsere Fragestellung sind die "Casus sancti Galli" Ratperts
und seiner Fortsetzer, insbesondere die berühmte erste Fortsetzung von Ekkehart
IV. († um 1060), zu untersuchen. Auch die "Gesta Karoli Magni"
des Notker Balbulus und nach Möglichkeit weitere erzählende Texte sind
heranzuziehen. Mit einzelnen Aspekten des Themas hat sich der Autor bereits bei
früheren Gelegenheiten befasst. Die damals gewonnenen Erkenntnisse sollen
nun vertieft und anhand des Fragenkatalogs des CIPL-Kolloquiums differenziert
werden. Dabei beschränken wir uns strikt auf die narrativen Quellen. Die
reiche Handschriftenüberlieferung St. Gallens, ihre paläographischen,
codicologischen und buchkünstlerischen Elemente wie auch die Aussagen des
St. Galler Klosterplans werden in die Untersuchung nicht miteinbezogen; sie sollen
anderen Referaten vorbehalten sein.
Zu den folgenden Punkten des Gesamtkonzeptes
wird das Referat insbesondere einen Beitrag liefern können:
1. Wort und
Begriff: Vorkommen und Bedeutung des Begriffs scriptorium und seiner Synonyme
(mit Hilfe der Wortkonkordanzen und Wortregister)
2. Fakten: Die Arbeitsplätze
des Scriptoriums im Kloster - Personal und Arbeitsorganisation des Scriptoriums
- Die Bedürfnisse des klösterlichen Lebens an Chorbüchern, gelehrter
Literatur usw. - Buchproduktion und ihr Bezug zur Klosterschule (Lehre und Ausbildung)
- Kopie und Weitergabe von Texten als geistliche Betätigung.
Lo
scriptorum della cattedrale di Verona attraverso l'analisi dei manoscritti delle
opere di sant'Agostino
Donatella
TRONCA
Verona
donatellatronca@hotmail.it
La relazione
che vorrei presentare riguarda lo studio dei manoscritti tardoantichi e altomedievali
delle opere di Agostino d'Ippona conservati presso la Biblioteca Capitolare di
Verona. Attraverso l'analisi materiale, paleografica e storica dei sette codici
contenenti varie opere dell'Ipponate, è stato possibile rilevare come quattro
di essi siano stati verosimilmente prodotti proprio dallo scriptorium veronese
in età carolingia. Questo tipo di approccio ha reso possibili nuove considerazioni
sulla storia culturale della Cattedrale e sulla necessità di produrre libri
che avessero una destinazione liturgica, oltre a quella di fornire la biblioteca
stessa di un patrimonio bibliografico attraverso l'attività di copia dei
testi. Ci si è potuti così esprimere in modo più fondato
anche su figure, come quella dell'arcidiacono Pacifico, e sullo scriptorium veronese,
che la storiografia moderna aveva contribuito a circondare di un'aura che non
esiterei a definire mitica. In questa prospettiva, un'importanza centrale ha assunto
anche lo studio della sedimentazione delle scritture marginali come traccia tangibile
delle pratiche di lettura.
Welche
Skriptorien? Zu Stand und Perspektiven der Skriptorien-Forschung in Österreich
Martin
WAGENDORFER
Kommission für Schrift- und Buchwesen des Mittelalters an
der ÖAW, Wien
Martin.Wagendorfer@oeaw.ac.at
Auf österreichischem
Gebiet findet sich eine große Anzahl von Klöstern und Stiften, die
im Mittelalter über mehr oder wenige große Bibliotheken und Skriptorien
verfügten oder verfügt haben müssen. Noch heute sind viele dieser
Bibliotheken in situ erhalten und erlitten im Zeitalter der Säkularisierung
im Gegensatz zu anderen Ländern nur mäßige Verluste. Mit dieser
an sich günstigen Ausgangslage für einschlägige Untersuchungen
kontrastiert der Umstand, dass bisher nur sehr wenige systematische Studien (zumindest
nicht in Form größerer Monographien) über mittelalterliche österreichische
Skriptorien (B. Bischoffs südostdeutsche Schreibschulen oder C. Pfaff über
das Skriptorium Mondsee) publiziert wurden und auch kleinere Studien zum Teil
unbefriedigend sind oder nur Detailprobleme behandeln. Dies trifft besonders für
das Hoch- und noch mehr für das Spätmittelalter zu, für welches
kaum Untersuchungen zu existieren scheinen, obwohl die zunehmend breiter werdende
Materialbasis einen besseren Zugang zur Fragestellung erwarten ließe.
Der hier vorgeschlagene Beitrag hat das Ziel, den österreichischen Bereich
exemplarisch für folgende Fragestellungen auszuwerten:
1) Zunächst
soll ein kurzer Überblick über den status quo der Forschung gegeben
werden. Damit verbunden sind folgende Fragen: Wie belegen die bisher vorhandenen
Studien die Existenz österreichischer Skriptorien (paläographisch, kunstgeschichtlich
etc.; gibt es "externe" Quellenbelege)? Welche Größe hatten
österreichische Skriptorien und über welche Zeitspannen kann man ihre
Existenz bisher nachweisen?
2) Wo sind die Gründe dafür zu suchen,
dass auch Sammlungen mit sehr gut erhaltenen Beständen (wie etwa die Stiftsbibliothek
von Klosterneuburg, Admont, Heiligenkreuz u. a.) bisher kaum aufgearbeitet sind?
Warum sind gerade spätmittelalterliche Bestände (wie etwa in Stift Seitenstetten
oder dem Schottenstift in Wien) überhaupt noch nicht untersucht?
3) In
welchem Rahmen entstanden bisher Studien zu österreichischen Skriptorien
(kunstgeschichtliche Untersuchungen, Katalogisierungsunternehmen etc.)? Wie wird
die Erforschung der Skriptorien von der Katalogisierung oder von verschiedenen
Formen der Katalogisierung (nach numerus currens, Voll-, Spezial-, Kurzkataloge
etc.) beeinflusst?
4) Welche Zukunftsperspektiven ergeben sich aus heutiger
Sicht aus den laufenden Katalogisierungsunternehmen sowie aus modernen technischen
Hilfsmitteln, die früher noch nicht zur Verfügung standen (etwa Wasserzeichen-Datenbanken,
Digitalisierungsprojekte etc.)? Welches Ergebnis verspricht die Einbeziehung neuer
Quellengruppen (wie beispielsweise Urkunden), die bisher kaum für die einschlägige
Forschung berücksichtigt wurden?
Script,
book production and the practice of the Rule at Christ Church, Canterbury in the
mid twelfth century
Teresa
WEBBER
Trinity College, Cambridge
mtjw2@cam.ac.uk
During the
mid twelfth century a new generation of scribes at Canterbury perfected a variety
of formal minuscule different in its proportions and features of style from the
distinctive tradition that had been developed and variously interpreted by scribes
there during the late eleventh and earlier twelfth centuries. The new style of
minuscule displays features common to much mid-twelfth-century formal handwriting
in England, but the degree of similarity in the manner in which the Christ Church
scribes traced certain component elements of a number of graphs is striking and
perhaps unusual. Close similarity between the hands of scribes working within
the same scriptorium is a common although not inevitable phenomenon, but the degree
of uniformity found in the handwriting of the surviving books produced by these
scribes requires further explanation, especially when compared with the more varied
interpretations of the 'Christ Church style' of the late eleventh and earlier
twelfth century. This paper examines the handwriting of the scribes in relation
to the types of books and documents produced and their functions, and to the wider
context of the practice of the monastic life at Christ Church during the mid twelfth
century. It will suggest that the uniformity of handwriting may be a consequence
not only of shared training within a well-established tradition of formal handwriting
but also a more deliberate expression of monastic discipline considered especially
appropriate for those books that were of the greatest importance in their communal
practice of the Benedictine Rule, such as the Bible, the Psalter, the Martyrology
and the Rule itself, as well as for their royal confirmation charters.
Occasional
Workshops and Clustered Production of Eleventh-Century Italian Giant Bibles and
Patristic Manuscripts
Lila
YAWN
The American Academy in Rome & John Cabot University, Rome
lila.yawn@gmail.com
In 2000 Larry
Ayres hypothesized that the earliest Italian Giant Bibles had come from a "large
export scriptorium" closely associated with Peter Damian and the Roman reform
party and devoted to producing monumental copies of biblical, exegetical, and
liturgical texts for export to cathedrals and monasteries across Europe. Recently,
Marilena Maniaci has suggested an alternative model of production, which acknowledges
the often significant diversities within the genre. The Bibbie atlantiche, she
proposes, resulted from "a polycentric if also authoritatively directed and
coordinated production" of codices-an idea that recalls, without duplicating,
Paola Supino Martini's speculation that the scriptorium of St. John Lateran (i.e.
the cathedral of Rome and papal residence) had promulgated a prototype Bible in
the mid-eleventh century, thus setting new, Church-imposed, pan-European standards
for the production of Latin Bibles.
My own studies of the scribal and pictorial
hands, prefatory texts, and separable textual units of eleventh-century Italian
Giant Bibles have led me to different conclusions. In my view, many of the oldest
examples (e.g. Admont, Stiftsbibl., Cod. C-D; Bibl. Apost. Vat., Pal. lat. 3-5;
Milan, Ambros. B.47 inf.; Munich, Staatsbibl., Clm 13001; Parma, Bibl. Palatina,
Palat. 386; Perugia, Bibl. Augusta, Ms. L. 59) were crafted not by a stable workforce
operating in one or more writing offices directed or coordinated by the popes
or other ecclesiastical authorities. Instead, I believe, they were made by variable
teams of scribes and illustrators assembled on an ad hoc basis to execute individual
commissions initiated and funded by a variety of patrons, both ecclesiastical
and lay.
This paper will examine palaeographic, codicological, and textual
evidence for such commissions, with special attention to 'clustered' projects,
those in which an Italian Giant Bible and one or more patristic, exegetical, or
liturgical codices were written by the same ensemble of scribes. The paper will
focus on the principal manuscripts of Edward Garrison's Early Geometrical Umbro-Roman
group (c. 1050-1100) and will consider, above all, the ways in which their texts
were apportioned into writing units-that is, textually self-contained sets of
contiguous gatherings-for purposes of copying by individual members of the scribal
team. The function of these units, I will argue, was not to permit the writing
of multiple Bibles simultaneously in the same workshop (i.e. in Ayres's export
scriptorium) as some codicologists currently hold but rather to facilitate the
speedy production of single Bibles or of small groups of church books that had
been commissioned together and which were destined, in some cases, for the same
monastery or cathedral.
